Book & Author
Sufia Ahmed: Diaries of Justice Muhammad Ibrahim
By Dr Ahmed S. Khan
Chicago, IL
“The ballot is stronger than the bullet.”
-Abraham Lincoln
“In truth if West Pakistanis really wished their union with East Pakistan to endure, they should have woken up to realities much earlier and pursued utterly different political and economic policies from the very inception of Pakistan.” - S.M. Burke, Pakistan’s Foreign Policy: A Historical Analysis
The fall of East Pakistan on December 16, 1971, is a black-letter day in the history of Pakistan. Why did Pakistan fail to achieve a national identity or produce a viable political order in which the people of both East and West Pakistan could remain united as equal partners?
Reflecting on the issue, Dr G. W. Choudhry who served as a member of Pakistan cabinet (1967-1971), and was a member of the three-man committee set up by President Yahya Khan to transfer power to an elected government after the 1970 elections, observes: “The disintegration of Pakistan and the emergence of Bangladesh in 1971 is a sad story of the Pakistan Army generals' misconceptions about their roles as the ‘guardians of national interests’ and of the dubious roles of two unscrupulous and inordinately ambitious politicians — Mujibur Rahman of Bangladesh and Z. A. Bhutto of "New" Pakistan. The crisis in Pakistan in 1971 was also a case of ‘foreign-linked factionalism’ where there are ‘linkages between internal political factors and the international environment.’ (The Last Days of United Pakistan, OUP, p. xi.).”
Muhammad Ibrahim (September 1894 -13 October 1966) was a jurist and an academic. He served as the 8th Vice Chancellor of University of Dhaka (1956 -1958) and served as minister of Law in President Ayub Khan’s cabinet (1958-1962). The Diaries of Justice Muhammad Ibrahim edited by his daughter Sufia Ahmed (former Chairperson, Department of Islamic History and Culture, University of Dhaka) provides a glimpse into the social, economic and political situation prevailing at that time when the nation was nascent. A major part of these diaries conveys a message of Justice Ibrahim's great commitment to the cause of East Pakistan, highlighting the economic disparity between the country’s Western and Eastern wings.
Sufia Ahmed, the editor of the book, in the introduction writes: “These handwritten diaries by Justice Muhammad Ibrahim span a period of six years, 1960 to 1966 (spread over three separate note-books) which partly cover the period Justice Ibrahim served as the Law Minister from 1958 to 1962 in the first Cabinet of Field Marshal Muhammad Ayub Khan. These diaries have been left with me, intended for publication in the future. After passing away of my father in October 1966, I in consultation with my late husband Syed Ishtiaq Ahmed who helped preserve these diaries and other materials relating to them with great care, chose to wait for at least the next three decades, so that the materials do not violate the time limit of thirty years and does not become a part of contemporary history...”
Reflecting on the reason why Justice Ibrahim joined the military government, the editor writes: “The question which baffles many is that why a liberal, progressive and democratic minded person like Justice Ibrahim had joined a military government. The truth behind this paradox is that, in 1958 the general political condition of the country, both East and West Pakistan was in a state of turmoil. Between March 1954 to August 1958 the political situation in the country was deplorable. Seven Cabinets were formed, and Governor's rule was imposed thrice, and finally the violent death of the Deputy Speaker caused by the unruly behavior by some of the members of the East Pakistan legislature proved to be a catalyst for the future politics of the country. The army stepped in and took over power and this brought about an end of the parliamentary system of government throughout Pakistan. After the imposition of Martial Law on 7th October 1958 the Constitution of 1956 was scrapped, the central and provincial governments were dismissed, the national and provincial legislative assemblies were dissolved, all political parties were banned, and fundamental rights were suspended. Expelling Iskander Mirza, Ayub Khan seized all powers on 27 October. In this way, Parliamentary democracy in Pakistan died a premature death. Ayub Khan wanted to legitimize his takeover by giving it a democratic facade by promising to lift Martial Law, restore democracy and frame a new constitution. He requested Justice Muhammad Ibrahim to join his Cabinet as the Law Minister to help draft the promised Constitution. Having faith in the declaration of President Ayub and that restoration of democracy was the ultimate goal, Justice Ibrahim joined the Cabinet as Law Member. He sincerely hoped that he would be able to assist in the restoration of democracy and rule of law under a democratic Constitution by joining this new regime.”
Sufia Ahmed observes that within a year of his joining Ayub Khan's Cabinet, Justice Ibrahim gradually became disillusioned, frustrated and distrustful of the new establishment for which he was working; his role as a spokesman of the Bengalis of Pakistan brought about serious differences of opinion between him and other West Pakistani personnel in power, particularly with General Ayub Khan; his emphasis on the autonomy of East Pakistan was thought by Ayub Khan to be almost treasonable, which the latter felt would break up the country.
The editor quotes Altaf Gauhar’s writings about the West-East economic gap ideas of Justice Ibrahim: “Muhammad Ibrahim, Minister of Law wrote to Ayub on 6 May 1961: …Referring to the widening economic gap between East and West Pakistan he [Justice Ibrahim] recommended that each province should be recognized as a separate economic entity and the responsibility of their economic development should be put respectively on the provinces themselves. The central government should only have "Defense, Foreign Affairs, Inter-wing Communications and Currency; all the remaining subjects should be the concern and responsibility of the provinces. His preference was for a parliamentary form of government and in the event of a presidential form of government was decided upon, he suggested, not only the President but also the provincial Governors should be elected by the people and that ‘the Governor must always be a man of the province’."
Referring to the reaction to Justice Ibrahim’s ideas, the editor writes: “All these views were severely criticized by his Cabinet colleagues and rejected by the President. This brought about a complete rift between him and Ayub Khan and he felt that under such circumstances it was unethical on his part to continue to play the role of a Minister representing the East Pakistanis. He attended the last Cabinet meeting in November 1961 and resigned from his post. But Ayub Khan suggested that he may go to East Pakistan and wait to resign till the new Constitution is finally launched. Important personalities…were sent as emissaries by Ayub Khan to persuade him to come to West Pakistan and sign the Constitution. Justice Ibrahim was firm in his decision, did not go to West Pakistan to sign the Constitution, and he remained in Dhaka. Ayub was enraged at his behavior and finally his resignation was accepted on the 15th of April 1962…When Ayub Khan came to learn that Justice Ibrahim wanted to publish their correspondence regarding the resignation, he wrote a letter on 7th of June 1962 which reflected his wrath and displeasure…He was indeed, a quintessential Bengali nationalist. I have fully reproduced the handwritten diaries with places and dates recorded by the writer…”
Reflecting on the reason for the backwardness of East Pakistan, Justice Ibrahim, writes: “East Pakistan's development problems are more difficult: 1) East Pakistan government is less well organized. No experienced senior officers are there to help accelerate the development activities of the administration. 2) Lower level of income — tax base is smaller — provincial revenue is not capable of the burden of carrying a share of the development program. 3) Natural physical conditions make it difficult to control flood waters and to establish effective means of transportation. 4) Industrial and commercial development has been considerably less advanced than West Pakistan. 5) East Pakistan is a long distance from the national capital— and the management has consequently suffered considerably from poor communication and lack of understanding at both political and official levels.”
Describing the state of President Ayub’s health, the author writes: “ 21.10.1960, I met the President at 11 a.m. to invite him to a function of the East Pakistan Association… The President looked thinner and has lost his usual cheerfulness. There must be something worrying him internally.”
Describing his concern for the plight of East Pakistan, Justice Ibrahim writes: “ The year ends at 12 midnight today —Saturday. It is now only three hours before the end of this year (31.12.1960). There is nothing much to record. I feel more and more miserable, for I find myself alone and helpless. My whole mind is concentrated on East Pakistan, and my sole concern is her five crore people. To me their future appears to be bleak. They have no voice in the administration of their affairs. There is much talk but progress. The problem of unemployment is growing bigger every day. There is no systematic or any effort at all to solve them. What pains me is that I cannot give them any effective help. The odds are too many. Their own people are afraid of demanding anything for them. I find myself alone. Often, I think that by being here, I am helping the enslavement of the people of East Pakistan, and then my existence becomes unbearable. I pray to God and seek His help. My soul cries to Him—cries for the people of East Pakistan. I have no ambition, I do not want anything for myself—name, fame, wealth, position, nothing. My sole ambition—nay my only ruling passion is East Pakistan.”
On the issue of economic disparity, Justice Ibrahim continues to reflect: “The true position of East Pakistan has been assessed by foreigners who had occasion to live in this country and to study its problems. Orville F. Linck, Professor of English, Wayne State University, Detroit (USA) came to Pakistan as a Fulbright Visiting Professor during the academic year 1956-57. His assignment was at the Abbottabad Government College in the district of Hazara. His book 'A Passage through Pakistan' is based on his experiences during the period of his stay in this country. At page 194 he writes, "The geographical situation inevitably makes for separation. East Pakistanis, a majority of the nation’s population, speak Bengali. They are 'language and cultural nationalists’ and they strongly resented the attempt to make Urdu alone the national language. They feel that they are neglected by the far-off Federal Government in Karachi, and they are not convinced that their best interests are served by the Pakistani State…”
Expounding on the question of the removal of economic disparity and inequality between East and West Pakistan, Justice Ibrahim writes: “The President landed at 3 p.m. at Chaklala airport. We received him there, it was then raining slightly. It has been a rather restless day. I have been working since morning without any rest or recess. From the airport Mr A.K. Khan and Mr Hafizur Rahman came to my house, and discussed the question of the Constitution. I told them, and they agreed with me, that the true cause of clash and conflict in the modern world is economic inequality. Already there is economic inequality between East and West Pakistan and the two Wings are bound sooner or later to separate if this inequality cannot be removed…”
Justice Ibrahim writes about President Ayub Khan’s response to the disparity issue: “The President was at the height of his temper. He said something like this: ‘that there should be no talk of disparity in development; that East Pakistan’s allegation that their foreign exchange was utilized at their cost, for the development of West Pakistan was nonsense; that the foreign exchange earned by East Pakistan (more than two-third of the total foreign exchange) was of no use to them, as they have no money to supplement or support building industries; that the foreign aid that came from other countries, is given because West Pakistan has a strategic and geo-political position; and Pakistan army may be useful to the aid giving countries etc.’"
Referring to President Ayub’s announcement about the constitution, Justice Ibrahim, writes: “Dacca, 1.3.1962, Field Marshal Ayub Khan announced his Constitution. I heard his broadcast at the residence of Dr Ibrahim at Dacca. I did not attend the ceremony at Karachi. The sugarcoating is nice, has been as it seems, carefully prepared. Departure from Lahore Resolution is, however, quite patent, in spite of everything. It is unitary with parity. The provision for the provincial legislature is a hoax. Economic self–reliance of East Pakistan is as remote as ever, so also its defense. After the Governors' Conference at Pindi where the constitutional proposals were last discussed this draft (of the Constitution) was made, but never placed before the Cabinet— nor had any Minister of East Pakistan has ever had any chance to see it.”
After his resignation from President Ayub Khan’s cabinet, Justice Ibrahim mentored Sheikh Mujeeb on political issues. It is evident from the contents of Justice Ibrahim’s Dairies that the Six Point Formula put forth by the Awami League was the manifestation of the urge that Pakistan's problem should be approached through guaranteeing real autonomy to each unit, leading to a confederation of units rather than the federation.
After the 1970 elections, each side lacked seriousness and flexibility to arrive at a viable solution, and high emotions and inflated egos of Bhutto, Mujeeb and Yahya got out of control; and they failed to show any leadership to keep the country united; instead of controlling the events their lack of leadership let events dictate the outcome. And to make things worse, a military action was taken to solve a political problem – bullets were used to tame ballots – which led to disintegration of the country.
Su fia Ahmed has done a fine job of publishing her father’s diaries to provide the present and future generations a historical record of events. The book is a valuable historical document, and an interesting read for general readers and students of history.
Had President Ayub Khan, his cabinet members, bureaucrats, and West Pakistani politicians, shown some sensitivity and seriousness about the economic disparity between the Western and the Eastern Wings and listened to the complaints of the leaders and people of East Pakistan with an open mind, and had Mujibur Rahman shown some flexibility on his stance of the six-point agenda, Pakistan could have remained a united federation in the crisis of 1970-71.
Coincidentally, in October 1970, Canada had a similar “October Crisis” due to Quebec’s demand for sovereignty; but the situation was handled very wisely by Canadian prime minister, Pierre Trudeau, and the outcome was a positive one: Canada remained a united federation.
Civil wars of the United States and Pakistan also have many similarities in terms of the reasons for war and very different outcomes; at the end of the American Civil War (1861-1865), the United States remained a united country because of the visionary and wise leadership of President Abraham Lincoln; but in 1971, Pakistan got divided due to futile policies, and emotional, egoistic, selfish and myopic leadership of Bhutto, Yahya and Mujib. Alas, Pakistan lacked a Lincoln, a Trudeau, who could have kept the country united!
(Dr Ahmed S. Khan ( dr.a.s.khan@ieee.org ) is a Fulbright specialist Scholar (2017-2022)
